What You Don't Have and Why (2022)

[Note for TomDispatch Readers: Adam Hochschild has long specialized in excavating ignored moments in history and considering their relevance for today. His classic King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa — about the conquest and exploitation of the Congo by that Belgian ruler — appeared just as that country was beginning a decades-long civil war sparked not by a European monarch, but by multinational corporations and local warlords backed by neighboring countries.

In his newest book, American Midnight: The Great War, a Violent Peace, and Democracy’s Forgotten Crisis (which, like so many of his works, I can proudly say I edited), he again tackles a historical subject with an eerie echo in the present moment. The years 1917 to 1921 were the Trumpiest period in American history before The Donald arrived on the scene. They were filled with red-baiting as well as rage against immigrants and refugees, not to speak of so many other things that Trump would have liked to do, including censoring the critical media and throwing hundreds of people in prison solely for things they wrote or said.

I can’t recommend the book to you more highly! I consider it a must-read. Should you want a signed, personalized copy, all you have to do is donate at least $100 (at least $125 if you live outside the U.S.) to TomDispatch. And believe me, TD definitely needs your help to keep on keeping on in this ever-stranger world of ours. So, if you feel the urge, do visit our donation page and lend a hand!

And one small p.s.: TomDispatch will take the Columbus Day weekend off. We’ll be back Tuesday. Tom]

Consider it an irony first class. In 2017, Reality Winner, a former Air Force enlistee who had been working for a national security contractor at Fort Gordon, Georgia, would be prosecuted by the Trump Justice Department and sentenced to more than five years in prison for leaking one secret government document to The Intercept. Its subject? Under the circumstances, maybe you won’t be shocked to learn that it was about possible Russian interference in the 2016 election.

Winner was prosecuted under the 1917 Espionage Act, which had in previous years been used against leakers like Edward Snowden and Chelsea Manning. And let me just repeat that she was sent to prison for more than five years (and served more than four of them) for leaking a single secret document about the 2016 election.

As TomDispatch regular Adam Hochschild, author of the just-published American Midnight: The Great War, a Violent Peace, and Democracy’s Forgotten Crisis, points out, FBI agents used a warrant under that same Espionage Act to enter Donald Trump’s Florida estate where they found more than 300 classified government documents (and 48 folders that once contained such documents but were now empty). Put in the context of Winner, you would have to assume that our former president will now be a genuine loser, right? I mean, if one document gets you five years in prison, how many do hundreds get you? The answer, if you ask Reality Winner, now free and recently interviewed by NBC News, is perhaps none. Not surprisingly, she finds any comparison between herself and the former president “incredibly ironic.” Nonetheless, in her deep humanity, she is not urging that he be locked up like her.

In his piece today, Hochschild returns to that devastating 1917 act, passed in the midst of World War I, and to the crushing of the Socialist Party in America in that same era. He wonders in a telling fashion: How might the United States be different today if, a century ago, the leadership of this country had not acted both so ruthlessly and in such an eerily Trumpian way? Tom

The Never-Ending Impact of a Forgotten Blitzkrieg Against the American Left

By Adam Hochschild

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Donald Trump has had the urge to crush many things, including the last election.So I must admit I found it eerily amusing that, when the FBI entered his estate at Mar-a-Lago recently, they did so under a warrant authorized by the Espionage Act of 1917.History certainly has a strange way of returning in our world and also of crushing alternatives.Whatever Trump did, that act has a sorry track record in both its own time and ours when it has been used, including by his administration, to silence the leakers of government information. And because my latest book, American Midnight: The Great War, A Violent Peace, and America’s Forgotten Crisis, is about the crushing of alternatives a century ago in this country, in the midst of all this, I couldn’t help thinking about a part of our history that The Donald would undoubtedly have been the first to crush, if he had the chance.

But let me start with a personal event closer to the present. While visiting Denmark recently, I developed an infection in my hand and wanted to see a doctor. The hotel in the provincial city where I was staying directed me to a local hospital. I was quickly shown into a consulting room, where a nurse questioned me and told me to wait. Only a few minutes passed before a physician entered the room, examined me, and said in excellent English, yes, indeed, I did need an antibiotic. He promptly swiveled in his chair, opened a cabinet behind him, took out a bottle of pills, handed it to me, and told me to take two a day for 10 days. When I thanked him and asked where I should go to pay for the consultation and the medicine, he responded simply, “We have no facilities for that.”

No facilities for that.

It’s a phrase that comes back to me every time I’m reminded how, in the world’s richest nation, we still don’t have full national health insurance. And that’s far from the only thing we’re missing. In a multitude of ways, we’re known for having a far weaker social safety net than many other wealthy countries and behind that lies a history in which the Espionage Act played a crucial role.

A Danish friend who visited with me recently was appalled to find hundreds of homeless people living in tent encampments in Berkeley and Oakland, California. And mind you, this is a progressive, prosperous state. The poor are even more likely to fall through the cracks (or chasms) in many other states.

Visitors from abroad are similarly astonished to discover that American families regularly pay astronomical college tuitions out of their own pockets. And it’s not only well-off European countries that do better in providing for their citizenry. The average Costa Rican, with one-sixth the annual per capita income of his or her North American counterpart, will live two years longer, thanks largely to that country’s comprehensive national health care system.

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Why hasn’t our country done better, compared to so many others? There are certainly many reasons, not least among them the relentless, decades-long propaganda barrage from the American right, painting every proposed strengthening of public health and welfare — from unemployment insurance to Social Security to Medicare to Obamacare — as an ominous step down the road to socialism.

This is nonsense, of course, since the classic definition of socialism is public ownership of the means of production, an agenda item not on any imaginable American political horizon. In another sense, though, the charge is historically accurate because, both here and abroad, significant advances in health and welfare have often been spearheaded by socialist parties.

The globe’s first national healthcare system, in Imperial Germany, was, for example, muscled through the Reichstag by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck in 1883 precisely to outflank the German socialists, who had long been advocating similar measures. Nor was it surprising that Britain’s National Health Service was installed by the Labour Party when it took power after the Second World War.

And in the United States, early in the last century, some of President Theodore Roosevelt’s modest moves to regulate business and break up trusts were, in fact, designed to steal a march on this country’s socialists, whom he feared, as he wrote to a friend, were “far more ominous than any populist or similar movement in times past.”

Back then — however surprising it may seem today — the American Socialist Party was indeed part of our political reality and, in 1904, it had come out in favor of compulsory national health insurance. A dozen years after that, New York Socialist Congressman Meyer London introduced a bill strikingly similar to the Obama administration’s Affordable Care Act of more than a century later. In 1911, another socialist congressman, Victor Berger of Wisconsin, proposed a national old-age pension, a goal that wouldn’t be realized for another quarter of a century with the passage of the Social Security Act of 1935.

Socialism was never as strong a movement in the United States as in so many other countries. Still, once it was at least a force to be reckoned with. Socialists became mayors of cities as disparate as Milwaukee, Pasadena, Schenectady, and Toledo. Party members held more than 175 state and local offices in Oklahoma alone. People commonly point to 1912 as the party’s high-water mark. That year, its candidate for president, Eugene V. Debs, won 6% of the popular vote, even running ahead of the Republican candidate in several states.

Still, the true peak of American socialism’s popularity came a few years later. The charismatic Debs decided not to run again in 1916, mistakenly accepting President Woodrow Wilson’s implied promise to keep the United States out of the First World War — something most Socialists cared about passionately. In April 1917, Wilson infuriated them by bringing the country into what had been, until then, primarily a European conflict, while cracking down fiercely on dissidents who opposed his decision. That fall, however, the Socialists made impressive gains in municipal elections, winning more than 20% of the vote in 14 of the country’s larger cities — more than 30% in several of them — and 10 seats in the New York State Assembly.

During that campaign, Wilson was particularly dismayed by the party’s popularity in New York City, where Socialist lawyer Morris Hillquit was running for mayor. The president asked his conservative Texan attorney general, Thomas Gregory, what could be done about Hillquit’s “outrageous utterances” against the war. Gregory responded that he feared prosecuting Hillquit “would enable him to pose as a martyr and would be likely to increase his voting strength. I am having my representatives in New York City watch the situation rather carefully, and if a point is reached where he can be proceeded against it will give me a great deal of pleasure.” Hillquit lost, but did get 22% of the vote.

Jubilant Socialists knew that if they did equally well in the 1918 midterm elections, their national vote total could for the first time rise into the millions. For Wilson, whose Democrats controlled the House of Representatives by the narrowest of margins, the possibility of Socialists gaining the balance of power there was horrifying. And so, already at war in Europe, his administration in effect declared war on the Socialists at home as well, using as its primary tool Wilson’s sweeping criminalization of dissent, the new 1917 Espionage Act. The toll would be devastating.

The Government’s Axe Falls

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Already the party’s most popular woman, the fiery Kansas-born orator Kate Richards O’Hare — known as Red Kate for her politics and her mass of red hair — had been sentenced to five years under the Espionage Act for speaking out against the war. Still free on appeal, O’Hare, who knew the hardships of farm life firsthand and had run for both the House and the Senate, continued to draw audiences in the thousands when she spoke in the prairie states. Before long, however, her appeal was denied and she was sent to the Jefferson City, Missouri, penitentiary, where she found herself in the adjoining cell to anarchist firebrand Emma Goldman. The two would become lifelong friends.

In 1918, the government went after Debs. The pretext was a speech he had given from a park bandstand in Canton, Ohio, following a state convention of his beleaguered party. “They have always taught you that it is your patriotic duty to go to war and to have yourselves slaughtered at their command,” he told the crowd. “But in all the history of the world you, the people, never had a voice in declaring war.”

That was more than enough. Two weeks later, he was indicted and swiftly brought before a federal judge who just happened to be the former law firm partner of President Wilson’s secretary of war. At that trial, Debs spoke words that would long be quoted:

“Your Honor, years ago I recognized my kinship with all living beings, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better than the meanest of the earth. I said then, I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it; while there is a criminal element, I am of it; while there is a soul in prison, I am not free.”

Spectators gasped as the judge pronounced sentence on the four-time presidential candidate: a fine of $10,000 and 10 years in prison. In the 1920 election, he would still be in the federal penitentiary in Atlanta when he received more than 900,000 votes for president.

The government didn’t merely prosecute luminaries like O’Hare and Debs however. It also went after rank-and-file party members, not to mention the former Socialist candidates for governor in Minnesota, New Jersey, and South Dakota, as well as state Socialist Party secretaries from at least four states and a former Socialist candidate for Congress from Oklahoma. Almost all of them would be sentenced under the Espionage Act for opposing the war or the draft.

Not faintly content with this, the Wilson administration would attack the Socialists on many other fronts as well. There were then more than 100 socialist dailies, weeklies, and monthlies and the Espionage Act gave Wilson’s postmaster general, segregationist Albert Burleson of Texas, the power to deem such publications “unmailable.” Before long, Burleson would bar from the mail virtually the entire socialist press, which, in the prewar years, had a combined circulation of two million. A few dailies, which did not need the Post Office to reach their readers, survived, but for most of them such a banning was a death blow.

The government crippled the socialist movement in many less formal ways as well. For instance, Burleson’s post office simply stopped delivering letters to and from the party’s Chicago headquarters and some of its state and local offices. The staff of a socialist paper in Milwaukee typically noticed that they were failing to receive business correspondence. Even their mail subscriptions to the New York Times and the Chicago Tribune were no longer arriving. Soon advertising income began to dry up. In the midst of this, Oscar Ameringer, a writer for the paper, called on a longtime supporter, a baker who had suddenly stopped buying ads. According to Ameringer, the man “slumped down in a chair, covered his eyes and, with tears streaming through his fingers, sobbed, ‘My God, I can’t help it…They told me if I didn’t take my advertising out they would refuse me… flour, sugar and coal.’”

Also taking their cues from the administration in that wartime assault were local politicians and vigilantes who attacked socialist speakers or denied them meeting halls. After progressives and labor union members staged an antiwar march on the Boston Common, for example, vigilantes raided the nearby Socialist Party office, smashed its doors and windows, and threw furniture, papers, and the suitcase of a traveling activist out the shattered windows onto a bonfire.

In January 1918, the mayor of Mitchell, South Dakota, ordered the party’s state convention broken up and all delegates expelled from town. One party leader was seized “on the streets by five unknown men and hustled into an automobile in which he was driven five miles from town,” a local newspaper reported. “There he was set out upon the prairie and… told to proceed afoot to his home in Parkston [an 18-mile walk] and warned not to return.”

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The Big “What if?” Question

The Socialists were far from alone in suffering the wave of repression that swept the country in Wilson’s second term. Other targets included the labor movement, the country’s two small rival Communist parties, and thousands of radicals who had never become American citizens and were targeted for deportation. But among all the victims, no organization was more influential than the Socialist Party. And it never recovered.

When Debs took to the road again after finally being released from prison in 1921, he was often, at the last minute, denied venues he had booked. In Cleveland, the City Club canceled its invitation; in Los Angeles, the only place he could speak was at the city zoo. Still, he had an easier time than the socialist writer Upton Sinclair who, when he began giving a speech in San Pedro, California, in 1923, was arrested while reading the First Amendment aloud.

By the time Debs died in 1926, the party that had once elected 33 state legislators, 79 mayors, and well over 1,000 city council members and other municipal officials had closed most of its offices and was left with less than 10,000 members nationwide. Kate Richards O’Hare wrote to her friend Emma Goldman, who had been deported from the United States in 1919, that she felt herself a “sort of political orphan now with no place to lay my head.”

Despite their minority status, the Socialists had been a significant force in American politics before patriotic war hysteria brought on an era of repression. Until then, Republican and Democratic legislators had voted for early-twentieth-century reform measures like child labor laws and the income tax in part to stave off demands from the Socialist Party for bigger changes.

If that party had remained intact instead of being so ruthlessly crushed, what more might they have voted for? This remains one of the biggest “what ifs” in American history. If the Socialist Party hadn’t been so hobbled, might it at least have pushed the mainstream ones into creating the sort of stronger social safety net and national health insurance systems that people today take for granted in countries like Canada or Denmark? Without the Espionage Act, might Donald Trump have been left to rot at Mar-a-Lago in a world in which so much might have been different?

The last time you tried to pay a medical bill, might you, in fact, have been told, “We have no facilities for that”?

Copyright 2022 Adam Hochschild

Featured image: Eugene V Debs Speaks by Russell Bannan is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 / Flickr

FollowTomDispatchonTwitterand join us onFacebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer’s new dystopiannovel,Songlands(the final one in his Splinterlands series),Beverly Gologorsky’s novelEvery Body Has a Story,and Tom Engelhardt’sA Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy’sIn the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power, John Dower’sThe Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War II, and Ann Jones’s They Were Soldiers: How the Wounded Return from America’s Wars: The Untold Story.

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FAQs

How do I find a song by humming? ›

Important:
  1. On your iPhone or iPad, open the Google app .
  2. In the search bar, tap the mic .
  3. Ask "What's this song?" or tap Search a song.
  4. Play a song or hum, whistle, or sing the melody of a song. Play a song: Google will identify the song. Hum, whistle, or sing: Google will identify potential matches for the song.

Who wrote you don't Have To Say You Love Me by Dusty Springfield? ›

You Don't Have To Say You Love Me

Who wrote we don't have to take our clothes off? ›

We Don't Have To Take Our Clothes Off

Who sang you don't have to say you love me in 1966? ›

"You Don't Have to Say You Love Me" (originally a 1965 Italian song, '"Io che non vivo (senza te)", by Pino Donaggio and Vito Pallavicini) is a 1966 hit recorded by English singer Dusty Springfield that proved to be her most successful single, reaching number one on the UK Singles Chart and number four on the Billboard ...

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Like Siri, Shazam can't recognize a tune that you sing or hum yourself. If you don't want to use Google for that, then try the SoundHound app (Android or iOS).

Can Google recognize humming? ›

Ask Google Assistant to name a song

Hum, whistle, or sing: Google Assistant will identify potential matches for the song. Select one of them to view the Search results page and listen to the song, read lyrics, or view the music video.

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“A typical night out was to get drunk, dance, and find someone to take home and have sex with. 'You don't have to say you love me' was quite a good pick-up line in those days, meaning: 'We don't have to pretend about all that love stuff. Let's just go home and have a good shag. '”

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Accounts differ as to who was offered the song after Simple Minds. Michelle Manning, who co-produced The Breakfast Club, has said it was sent to Billy Idol, who turned it down, though Forsey, who had worked with Idol on his Rebel Yell album, says it never happened.

Why was Don't you forget about me written? ›

"Don't You (Forget About Me)" was written by the producer Keith Forsey and the guitarist Steve Schiff while they were scoring the 1985 film The Breakfast Club. Forsey and Schiff were inspired by the scene in which an introvert and a school bully bond while no one else is watching.

What is the dress that we Cannot wear? ›

Check whether the answer you guess is what given below: The answer for What type of dress can never be worn? Riddle is “Address.”

Is it natural for humans to wear clothes? ›

For most modern humans, putting on clothes is second nature. But a new study suggests that our ancestors didn't pick up the habit until relatively recently. The evidence, based on a genetic study of lice, suggests that humans only started dressing when they left Africa for chilly northern climes about 70,000 years ago.

What does the poet mean by clean clothes? ›

The clothes of people who instigate war and destruction, are soaked with the blood of fellow humans. Hence, the poet hopes that the moment of quietness will be used by these humans to reflect on their actions. This will help these instigators to start life anew and inspire them to 'put on clean clothes'.

What is Lee Brice's most famous song? ›

Lee Brice on His History-Making Hit 'One of Them Girls': 'It's a Song That Keeps on Giving'
  • By. Jessica Nicholson.
  • Nov 18, 2021 2:43 pm.

Who is the original singer of We don't talk about Bruno? ›

We Don't Talk About Bruno
"We Don't Talk About Bruno"
Length3:36
LabelWalt Disney
Songwriter(s)Lin-Manuel Miranda
Producer(s)Lin-Manuel Miranda Mike Elizondo
9 more rows

Who is the female singer in we don't talk about Bruno? ›

'Encanto' Cast, Megan Thee Stallion Sing 'We Don't Talk About Bruno' at Oscars.

Can Siri hear whisper? ›

Apple Gave Us a HomePod Version of Whisper Mode

It causes Siri to “speak at a volume based on how loud you speak” while also taking into account background noise and any music you might have playing. There are two ways you can enable or disable this feature. The easiest is just to tell Siri to turn it on or off.

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As of 2022, Siri does not eavesdrop on your conversations. Voice assistant technologies such as Siri are constantly waiting for their trigger phrases. For Siri, this is “Hey Siri” or similar. However, while Siri is listening all the time for that phrase, it does not record until it hears it.

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With so many voice options available, Siri does not always manage to get the right one, which often ends up turning his voice into this robotic, unnatural accent. Thankfully, all you have to do is redownload your preferred option and you should be able to get Siri's natural voice back.

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If it surprises you that Google is always listening to you, Google offers acceptable reasons for keeping the microphone on your mobile device open. The OK Google feature on your phone needs to recognize the words “okay Google” when you speak them. Google Assistant needs to recognize whenever you ask for help.

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It is because when you hum, you are actually exhaling, so if both your mouth and your nose is closed, the air can't escape. So, although you can hum for a very brief few second or two, you will be forced to open your mouth and catch your breath.

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If you have a certain setting enabled on your Android phone, saying "OK Google" or "Hey Google" will cause it to listen for a command. Before you say this wake phrase, your phone is listening for the keywords, but is not recording everything you say and uploading it to Google.

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Where does 143 come from? 143 is based on the number of letters in each word of the phrase: I (1), love (4), you (3). The shorthand, as the story goes, dates back to the early 1900s from Minot's Ledge lighthouse off the coast of Cohasset, Massachusetts.

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I'm fond of you. I love you more and more every day. I'm all about you. I'm down with you.

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“Can't Take My Eyes Off You” was written in 1967 by lyricist and producer Bob Crewe and Four Seasons keyboards player Bob Gaudio for Frankie Valli, the group's singer.

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Who Wrote That's Not My Name? That's Not My Name was written by UK duo The Ting Tings, who are comprised of Kate White and Jules De Martino.

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"That's Not My Name" is the debut single of British musical duo the Ting Tings. The song was originally released as a double A-side with "Great DJ" by independent record label Switchflicker Records on 28 May 2007.

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To not think about, fail to remember, or disregard someone or something.

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Simple Minds continued to record and tour after the success of “Don't You (Forget About Me)” – with more singles like “Belfast Child,” “See the Lights” and “She's a River.” The band has survived changing musical tastes and personnel for the next 25 years, with Kerr and Burchill still remaining at the helm.

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“Remember Me” becomes the song that Miguel sings to remember and honor his family members who have passed away, which circled back to the central reason the Mexican people celebrate Dia de los Muertos.

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7 Things You Should Never Wear in the Workplace
  • Don't Wear Dirty or Wrinkled Clothes to Work. ...
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20 Nov 2019

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It doesn't matter if the dress code requests "casual" attire; jeans, T-Shirts, shorts, and sneakers are never appropriate to wear as a wedding guest. Show respect for the bride and groom by dressing formally.

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Sudan is another country with strict dressing regulations. According to the notorious Sharia law, women can be arrested for public order offenses, such as wearing skirts. Men, on the other hand, can be punished for "indecency," such as attending a fashion show and wearing make-up. Tourists should be extremely careful.

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Originally Answered: Why did human start covering "private parts" and when? It's impossible to know for certain, but what's widely speculated is that as humans moved north out of Africa, into the colder climates, the more sensitive body parts tended to need a covering.

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Researchers have long debated when humans starting talking to each other. Estimates range wildly, from as late as 50,000 years ago to as early as the beginning of the human genus more than 2 million years ago. But words leave no traces in the archaeological record.

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The first humans emerged in Africa around two million years ago, long before the modern humans known as Homo sapiens appeared on the same continent.

What is the meaning of I want no truck with death? ›

Answer B) By the phrase 'I want no truck with death',the poet means, he does not want lifelessness i.e. complete inactivity. Silence has to be only a brief moment of introspection.

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Had worn them really about the same” The poem “The Road Not Taken” tells the story of a poet who chooses one of two diverging roads of yellow wood to follow in his life. He picked the one that was “grassy and wanted wear”. It means that the path he selected was covered in grass and had never been walked before.

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Without silence and keeping quiet, self-introspection will not work. Silently introspecting will give the individual a strange feeling of unity and togetherness with all others. In the beginning, it will certainly feel a little strange. However, eventually, it has the power to bring us all together.

Did Lionel Richie write Say You Say Me? ›

"Say You, Say Me" is a song written and recorded by American singer and songwriter Lionel Richie for the film White Nights. The single hit number one in the US and on the R&B singles chart in December 1985. It became Richie's ninth number-one on the Billboard Adult Contemporary chart.

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Glenn Gamboa of Newsday wrote: "For fans of Imogen Heap's "Hide and Seek", the new Jason Derulo single "Whatcha Say" – which liberally samples from the song and even uses Heap's chorus as his own chorus – may be hard to swallow.

Did David Foster write I will always love you? ›

In case you didn't know, Dolly Parton wrote “I Will Always Love You.” In fact, she wrote it the same night she wrote “Jolene” because she simply has the range. David Foster worked with Whitney Houston on creating the cover for The Bodyguard, per co-star Kevin Costner's suggestion.

Did Marc Anthony write you sang to me for JLO? ›

According to Anthony, he wrote this song for his then-friend Jennifer Lopez, whom he married soon after. This version was nominated for a Lo Nuestro Award for Pop Song of the Year, losing to "A Puro Dolor" by Son by Four.

How much is Lionel Richie worth and how old is he? ›

Lionel Richie Net Worth
Net Worth:$200 Million
Date of BirthJun 20, 1949 (73 years old)
Place of BirthTuskegee
GenderMale
Height5 ft 10 in (1.803 m)
2 more rows

What is the original key of who you say I am? ›

Who You Say I Am is an enormously popular song from the 'There Is More' album by Hillsong Worship. It's originally in Gb, which is suited for a high female lead. Our acoustic resources are in the key of C, which works for a male lead.

Does Jason Derulo use autotune? ›

Jason Derulo

Jason's heavy use of auto-tune in the studio has led to many a critic savaging his live performance and saying that he needs to add emotion and vocal accuracy to his time on stage. This seems pretty harsh to us but we should note that Jason once performed with the autotune set out of tune!

Where does the MMM Whatcha Say come from? ›

Where does Mmm Whatcha' Say come from? The Dear sister – Mmm Whatcha' Say meme was inspired by the second season finale of popular teen drama, The O.C., which aired in May 2005.

How much did Whitney Houston pay Dolly Parton for I Will Always Love You? ›

Dolly Parton Gave Back To The Black Community In Honor Of Whitney Houston. In the 1990s, Parton made a whopping $10 million in royalties when Houston recorded a version of 'I Will Always Love You' for The Bodyguard.

What is the meaning of I Will Always Love You? ›

So that being said, the true meaning of this song is the singer beating the point home that even though she and the addressee are indeed parting ways, she “will always love” this individual. That is no matter where life takes her away from him, she will never forget this person.

How much did Whitney Houston make off of I Will Always Love You? ›

Elvis Presley wanted to record this song but demanded half the publishing rights. Dolly Parton refused and was vindicated when years later Whitney Houston's version earned her $6 million.

What is Jennifer Lopez's most famous quote? ›

You get what you give. What you put into things is what you get out of them.

What J-Lo said about Salma Hayek? ›

“We're in two different realms,” Jennifer Lopez said of Salma Hayek. “She's a sexy bombshell and those are the kinds of roles she does. I do all kinds of different things.”

What did J-Lo say about Ray Liotta? ›

Like all artists he was complicated, sincere, honest and so very emotional. Like a raw nerve, he was so accessible and so in touch in his acting and I will always remember our time together fondly. We lost a great today … RIP RAY … it's so sad to lose you what seems way to soon …

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6. When you don't have any homework (meme) ROBLOX
(HandN)

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